Euston Manifesto Blog

Shalom Lappin responds to Tristan Stubbs

Stubbs claims that I have mistakenly identified Third Way politics with the neo-liberalism of the Thatcher era. Instead, he suggests, it aims to achieve prosperity by promoting entrepreneurial energy and freeing business from regulation in order to generate investment. This view is, from what I can see, indistinguishable from a vintage neo-liberal approach…

Setting aside the tone of Tristan Stubbs’ remarks let me respond to what I take to be his main points.

1. Stubbs seriously misinterprets my account of the rise of radical Islamism. The fact that I identify this movement as, in part, conditioned by the failure of secular nationalism to deliver democracy or prosperity in post colonial third world countries certainly does not entail that I regard poverty as the major cause of Islamism, nor is my proposed description of this phenomenon “materialist” in any obvious sense. It is unclear to me on what basis Stubbs arrives at these thoroughly unmotivated inferences. I was simply suggesting that radical Islamism has been filling the political void left by the collapse of secular revolutionary nationalist ideologies thoughout the third world. This claim seems to be uncontroversial in that it amounts to little more than a straightforward description of the facts.

2. Stubbs asks how free trade unions can be established in third world countries that are ruled by repressive regimes which do not respect the rights of organized labour. This is a reasonable question. I suggested a partial answer in proposing that global free trade agreements be used as instruments for promoting democratic institutions, as well as social investment in the developing world. The obvious precedent here is the demand for democratization and respect for human rights that defines a necessary condition for entry into the European Union. It is also worth recalling that when union activists struggling against an undemocratic government enjoy widespread popular endorsement within their own country and receive strong support from abroad, they can, in some cases, effectively challenge their government. This is how Solidarity established itself both as a free labour union and the main engine of democratization within Communist Poland in the 1980s.

3. Stubbs claims that I have mistakenly identified Third Way politics with the neo-liberalism of the Thatcher era. Instead, he suggests, it aims to achieve prosperity by promoting entrepreneurial energy and freeing business from regulation in order to generate investment. This view is, from what I can see, indistinguishable from a vintage neo-liberal approach. It is unclear how it differs from the model proposed by conservative devotees of liberalized markets, low corporate taxation, and reduced business regulation. On this approach, a rise in living standards will invariably accompany the economic growth that is generated by reducing the burden of taxation and regulation on business activity. The problem with this theory is that it stands in marked contrast with the observed facts. The social gap between the richest and poorest segments of the population in Britain has grown considerably under recent Labour as well as the preceding Conservative governments. The wages of large sections of the labour force have grown very slowly or remained static in real terms. The quality of social services like the NHS and higher education, as well as the public transportation system are suffering from massive underinvestment. This pattern Is even more acute in the United States. In the Third World, rapid development through economic liberalization and investment has indeed led to the emergence of an expanding middle class and a reduction of poverty in countries like China and, to a lesser extent, India. However, large sections of the populations in these countries have been left out of the new economy and are sinking even deeper into poverty and dispossession. It should be clear that I am not calling for the destruction of the market, but for its deployment in a manner that maximizes social benefit across the population at large, as well as economic development.

4. Finally, Stubbs suggests my criticisms of Third Way politics and my proposals for a robust renewal of social democracy in internationalist terms will alienate people who might otherwise sign up to the Euston Manifesto’s project. This is, at best, a puzzling assertion. I am presenting a personal view in the context of an open discussion on how best to renew social democractic policies in a global economy. Other contributors to the forum have taken alternative positions, some of them closely aligned to New Labour. Stubbs’ comments here appear to exclude free discussion and to seek political orthodoxy in terms of Third Way policies. If this is the case, then these comments are entirely incompatible with the diversity of opinion and free debate that we wish to encourage on these issues. If such debate prevents some people from joining the Euston Manifesto Group, then one wonders in what sense they could possibly be democrats and political liberals.

Shalom Lappin is Professor of Computational Linguistics in the Department of Philosophy, King’s College, London

Solidarity with Iraq

United against terror and sectarianism

A wide range of Iraqi organisations has united and need your support in a week of Solidarity with the Iraqi People against terrorism, political sectarianism, administrative and financial corruption, and to support the disbanding of civilian militias, national reconciliation and the unity of Iraqi people in order to build a united, pluralist, federal and democratic Iraq, writes Gary Kent of Labour Friends of Iraq.
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Adrian McMenamin responds to Andy Pearmain

The way to pick up the Gramscian thread is not to wind up the Labour party but rebuild it’s political coalition, argues Adrian McMenamin in response to Andy Pearmain’s "Labour Must Die!"
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Tristan Stubbs responds to Shalom Lappin

Shalom Lappin’s ex ante dismissal of the Third Way risks alienating many potential Eustonians, argues Tristan Stubbs
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Excelsior: Regenerar a la izquierda: Manifiesto de Euston

[Spanish language article from Mexican national daily newspaper]

El fin se ha empezado a oír la voz de gente de la izquierda política -es decir que está en favor de la igualdad, la democracia, y el respeto a los derechos humanos- intentando combatir la enfermedad que aqueja a grandes sectores internacionales de quienes se definen también como de “izquierda”, pero que en los hechos han dejado de serlo. Se trata de un agrupación surgida en Inglaterra la cual ha elegido el internet como medio de contacto y comunicación para tratar de formar un frente de verdadera izquierda. Este grupo, ha producido un documento base, el Manifiesto de Euston, en el que se detallan los principios básicos de su postura, la cual ha comenzado a recibir miles de adhesiones de personas que se identifican plenamente con dichas ideas.

El mencionado Manifiesto, con traducciones a varios idiomas -el español, entre ellos- puede leerse íntegro en euromanifesto.org y constituye un documento inspirador en la medida en que señala con claridad hasta qué grado una gran parte de quienes se ubican dentro de la izquierda internacional han desviado su camino para caer en posturas que le hacen el juego a las corrientes más reaccionarias y retrógradas del escenario mundial. Entre sus principios destacan los siguientes: oposición a justificar o manifestar “comprensión” hacia los regímenes autoritarios enemigos de la democracia y opresores de sus propios pueblos; condena a las violaciones de derechos humanos con independencia de quiénes sean responsables y cuál sea su contexto cultural, sin tolerancia hacia las nociones de relativismo cultural sobre las que se apoya la idea de que el respeto a los derechos humanos no es aplicable en determinadas naciones o pueblos; igualdad social y económica, igualdad entre sexos, etnias, religiones y orientaciones sexuales.

Otros puntos destacables tienen que ver con el desarrollo económico dentro del marco de la globalización, por lo que se proponen reformas radicales a instituciones como la OIC, el FMI y el Banco Mundial, con objeto de impulsar una justa distribución de los beneficios del desarrollo.

Es importante también en el Manifiesto la oposición al antiamericanismo a ultranza que infecta una parte importante del pensamiento de izquierda y, también, del conservador, lo cual ha generado un prejuicio generalizado contra Estados Unidos y su pueblo, sin matices y sin atenuantes. En el mismo tenor, se condena el racismo de todo tipo, ya sea antiinmigrantes, interétnico, tribal y el surgido contra poblaciones musulmanas, dentro del contexto de lucha contra el terrorismo. Igualmente, hay un pronunciamiento contra el antisemitismo tan virulento hoy en las izquierdas que, explotando los legítimos agravios del pueblo palestino, han dado rienda suelta a una postura “antisionista” que enmascara a un viejo antisemitismo, al cuestionar el derecho a la existencia del Estado de Israel, haciéndole el juego a regímenes totalitarios que gravitan sin tapujos alrededor de ideas de esa índole.

Sin duda, otro punto importante reside en la defensa de las democracias pluralistas y liberales contra quienes ignoran las diferencias entre ellas y los totalitarismos y regímenes tiránicos. Se establece, por ende, que sólo los Estados que protegen mínimamente la vida de sus gentes (porque no torturan, asesinan o masacran a sus propios civiles y cubren responsablemente sus necesidades básicas) merecen que su soberanía sea respetada. Al mismo tiempo se alude a la desastrosa experiencia de las justificaciones de los crímenes del estalinismo y el maoísmo avaladas por la izquierda, para hacer un paralelismo con las justificaciones también inaceptables del terrorismo suicida. En síntesis, el Manifiesto de Euston es un documento clave para definir los contornos de una izquierda digna y coherente a la que valga la pena pertenecer.

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New Labour, the politics of poverty and the spirit of optimism

We lost four elections and then won three. A return to ‘classic Labour’ is not the road to renewal. The eradication of child poverty, re-starting social mobility, and redistributing power in the public realm and our public services are the great causes of the second decade, argues Jim Murphy MP, Minister of State for Employment and Welfare Reform
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Labour Must Die!

New Labour has failed. We need a new political formation which will survive the demise of the Labour Party, argues Andy Pearmain.
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Macleans: Saving the anti-war left from itself

Have you heard the latest out of England? A commitment to the institutions of democracy. No excuses or apologies for tyranny. A two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. An affirmation that the United States is a great country and nation.

These notions may seem common sense, bordering on banal. Yet they have caused quite the ruckus within the British and North American left. They are key tenets of the “Euston Manifesto,” a statement of broadly left-liberal principles cooked up last spring by a collection of London-based journalists, activists and academics. First published in the New Statesman in early April, the manifesto was officially launched on May 25 (and is available online at eustonmanifesto.org).

The purpose of the Euston Manifesto is, essentially, to save the left from itself. It is an attempt to draw a clear line between the social-democratic liberal left and the anti-war left, the latter of which has, since the terrorist attacks of 9/11, made common cause with tyrants, excused terrorists, and—in some cases—sold out the rights of women to reactionary theologians, all in the service of a single-minded opposition to the United States. Enough, write the authors of the Euston Manifesto: “We must define ourselves against those for whom the entire progressive-democratic agenda has been subordinated to a blanket and simplistic ‘anti-imperialism’ and/or hostility to the current US administration.”

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The Ottowa Citizen: Will the real left please stand up?

For many decades, and more noticeably in the aftermath of 9/11 and the launching of the “war on terror,” there has been a vacuum on the political spectrum. It has been harder for the so-called democratic or non-communist left, (or American Democrats in the Kennedy, Humphrey and Johnson tradition) to find an intellectual and political home.
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Is Labour Learning for the Future?

For fear of stating the obvious, education is about the future. It’s not just about giving children the best start or a foundation for life; education should also be a lifelong habit. We all need to keep learning.

Governments are no different. We need to keep learning the lessons of what has and hasn’t worked so we can find new ways to tackle new challenges. Like all good leaders we need to anticipate the future and make sure the government and the country are well placed to deal with what is coming.

Choice in the public sector

James Purnell makes the argument for embracing public service delivery, so that we create a self-reforming system. This is more and more important as we face ever increasing rapidity of change due to globalisation and technological innovation.

Developing choice for parents and pupils is a fundamental part of the current wave of education reforms. It is worth pausing to reflect on the last nine years in power to see why this is necessary.

The challenge in 1997 was to radically improve standards from a base where the majority were being failed by schools. We have thrown loads more money at the problem—real terms funding has increased by £1,440 per pupil (47%).We’ve expanded the workforce and reduced class sizes. There are 36,200 more teachers, and over 100,000 more support staff. We've reformed the curriculum with priorities such as the literacy and numeracy hours. We’ve devolved more money direct to schools and in return we’ve changed the inspection regime alongside the introduction of targets and tables to motivate improvement in individual schools.

This maximum use of the levers available from the centre has worked, but only up to a point. The improvement in results is unprecedented. We have the best ever results at primary schools, GCSEs and A Levels, and more pupils than ever are going on to University. What was only 45% achieving the standard 5 GCSEs is now 56%. But that statistic in itself exposes the limitation of command and control from the centre.

Command and control from the centre hasn't worked for too many of the children that need our help the most. There are still far too many pupils insufficiently motivated to achieve their potential, too many with individual needs not being addressed.

Why choice?

The answer is not just to throw more money and more teachers at them. We have shown that this works for the low hanging fruit but we’ve got to do better for the hard to reach pupils.

The answer is to be more fine-grained, more personalised. It is to offer more choice. It is to give power from the centre to parents—even if that means devolution that in some circumstances bypasses local government. I do not see this as an attack on democracy, more a redefinition of democracy to create a more powerful direct accountability from school to parent.

Harnessing direct accountability through parental and pupil choice, through parent councils and a new strategic commissioning role for councils is at the heart of our drive for more specialist schools and trust schools.

But is that enough? Will the delivery of choice suddenly lift the educational chances of our most disadvantaged youngsters? What of the charge from many in education that choice creates a market, and markets create losers as well as winners? Or that choice is fine in urban areas, but is meaningless in rural ones? Or that voters are not interested in choice, they just want their local school to be the best.

We may want our local school to be the best, but no school can be the best for every child—for a talented mathematician, and an elite sports student, and a ballet prodigy, and a child with profound learning difficulties. Specialist schools have been successful by offering a choice of high quality local providers, often working in collaboration.

Choice is not the answer to everything but it creates the right mix of provision to make it easier for individuals to find the service that suits their needs, and it is a more flexible system for governments to make targeted interventions to address those unable to take advantage of the benefits of choice.

There is an important difference between the Tory vision of choice in the public sector and a New Labour vision. New Labour has rejected the command economy in the public services. Uniform provision does not respond to individual need, and monopolistic state providers can struggle to acknowledge failures in their own service delivery. But we also reject unfettered free markets as promoted by the Conservative right. Just giving the individual consumer of public services the power of choice through vouchers, or a similar mechanism, is not enough. That takes money out of public services and into elitist private provision, and it does nothing to address the needs of the most disadvantaged.

We believe in a mixed economy. Choice in the public sector creates a different type of market from a private sector driven by profit and loss. Success in the public sector is not about more profit for shareholders, it is about ever-improving services for consumers. Failing public providers can not go bust, but they can be replaced. Where there is not a choice of good quality providers then Government, locally or nationally, should intervene to provide such choice—be it through a City Academy or increased transport provision.

A choice-driven public sector retains democratic control of policy. Governments, locally or nationally, set standards, listen to local public voices, and are accountable through the ballot box. Delivery is devolved to the front line—to a range of providers that are free to respond to local need and thereby improve public service. The split between commissioning and delivering is the way we offer personalised service that up to now has been the privileged preserve of those that can pay privately.

I would therefore argue that choice is a fundamental part of the future of educational provision.

But choice in public service delivery is not the argument that will win us elections. This is an important political debate to be had in think tanks and Westminster but it is meaningless on the doorstep. Elections are won more on the basis of what we are going to do, not out of gratitude for what we have done or the theory of good Government.

The future educational landscape

So where will we be in ten years time? The current pace of change makes that very difficult to predict but we can project where the decisions we are making will take us.

The Building Schools for the Future programme will be well advanced. By 2020 we will have rebuilt or fully refurbished all secondary schools in a way that integrates great design and vision with the latest technology to transform the learning environment.

Labour will extend choice into the curriculum to increase motivation and meet individual need. The 14 new specialised diplomas will be on offer to every 14 year old, giving them a choice between the traditional academic route of GCSEs and A levels or new modern qualifications designed by employers and respected by universities. The mix of vocational and academic will be improve skills and motivation for many young people in education. Children at this age will be based in a school but probably attending lessons and courses at other schools and colleges.

There will be a new range of choice for parents and pupils at 11—community specialist schools, city academies, faith schools, and trust schools with new types of external partners from public, academic, private and voluntary sectors. Strong schools will be collaborating to offer curriculum choices at 14 but each different in specialism and ethos. Each will deliver a more personalised education.

Finally, schools will also have an extended role in their communities. The focus will remain on standards but with the expanded workforce they will also be able to help with the other needs of children. Through Every Child Matters health and welfare services can be available through school, services that can in turn reach out to form stronger partnerships with parents. Schools will have extended hours to offer more "catch up" and "stretching" lessons, more after school clubs—in other words, more attention to the all-round needs of each individual child.

Schools of the future—a plurality of providers

This will be where our current policies and programmes will take us. It won't be perfect, we'll make mistakes, we are human. However the direction is clear. This Government has won the political argument on education and there is no sign of any alternative ideas that carry substantial support from the left or right. But there will be new opportunities and challenges.

When specialist schools were first proposed they were controversial and seen as divisive. Now 80% of secondary schools are specialist and some are acquiring second and third specialisms. Over the next few years we will also see the clear benefits of academies and trusts with new and more imaginative partners for schools.

Trusts were wrongly seen by many solely as ways of involving business more actively and formally in schools. However, some of the original inspiration came from Sweden where they have parents' schools. The first parents' school is developing in Lambeth now. Could we have more co-operative schools?

As businesses get more involved to both address their skills needs and put something back into the community through their staff, could we see the same for trade unions? The existing union learning reps in workplaces are a huge success and demonstrate the traditional trade union commitment to education. So why not have unions involved in schools alongside their industrial partners? Airbus and Amicus together involved in schools with engineering and technology specialisms in Filton and Broughton for example?

Could there be other public sector partners? Some independent schools, like Wellington College, were established for the education of officers’ children and continue to do so. What of the other ranks? Why not Armed Forces Trust schools, particularly in areas like the garrison towns of Wiltshire? Do the armed forces have something to offer in terms of ethos, governance, and motivation? And what of the voluntary sector? Let’s have the debate.

Green schools

Climate change is our biggest challenge for the future. We will meet our Kyoto targets and see the effect of our policies to reduce carbon emissions. The next wave of policies will need to put the UK in a leadership position so that we can grasp the opportunities in environmental industries, developing the alternative technologies to allow continued economic growth and carbon neutrality.

In turn this means continued investment in our science base and knowledge economy. We are now seeing improvements in our science and maths results in schools and some improvement in teacher recruitment, but persistent problems remain, in physics in particular. I am confident that the work of science learning centres, and the introduction of the specialised diplomas for 14-19 year olds, will help motivate more children to stay in education and build the skills employers are asking for.

But we need to push this further. Why not use the early development of trust schools to target universities and businesses and charities that are active in this area and seek their directly involvement in encouraging young people to work in these new environmental industries? As part of Building Schools for the Future can we develop a network of Specialist Environment Colleges that, beyond having built-in carbon neutrality, motivate pupils into all the sciences and humanities using the challenges and opportunities posed by climate change?

Environment Trust schools could bring a powerful new ethos of sustainability, of "what goes around comes around". The ethos and partnership in faith schools is strongly valued by the majority of parents. Why not develop a secular alternative rooted in the values of the environmental movement?

Global schools

The biggest unknowns of the future are the effects of globalisation and the pace of technological change. Both are opportunities for schools.

Already we see almost all schools with broadband, with excellent ratios of pupils to computers, and with teaching enhanced by the use of interactive whiteboards. This Government's investment in school IT has made us a global pioneer in the use of technology to transform education. We are starting to see the use of podcasts by teachers, "moodling" to allow pupils to access, complete and submit coursework to teachers online, and trials with children in Wolverhampton using handheld computers.

IT in schools is no longer about infrastructure; it is about the imaginative and enterprising use of what it can do. The software is still underdeveloped. I want to bring together our world class games software industry and our leading university media schools, and put this country at the forefront of global educational software.

We can also bring diverse cultures and languages closer to pupils through technology. In 2012 we are hosting what will be the biggest global event ever in the London Olympics. It has already captured the imagination of millions of children who are freshly motivated into sport.

But the legacy can be even greater. We can use the excitement of the Olympics to link schools in this country with others from Olympic nations around the world. Through technology, live interaction and learning can take place/ Our children can be proud of and assert our culture and learning about other places and the importance of other language—teachers in the classroom facilitating children learning Mandarin direct from native Chinese speakers.

Most importantly the opportunity offered by technology is to make education more personalised. There will be opportunities for more variety of learning, of pace and challenge.

As we develop more personalised education I also see learning being enriched to teach "quality of life". The focus on standards, particularly the skills needed for employers, is non-negotiable. But as we try to engage the most difficult to reach and raise their standards it will be by offering them something more personally enriching. This maybe outside the classroom, it maybe on the sports pitch, in the studio, or in amongst an iconic English landscape; it maybe through technology—opening learning windows to people and places anywhere in the world.

Testing and tables have led some to accuse New Labour of a utilitarian approach to education. We needed tough focussed action to lift a system that was failing too many and I won"t apologise for that. We need more fun and more education for its own sake—but not at the expense of standards. This Government has shown that it is possible to deliver economic efficiency and social justice, we can do the same in education—tough on standards as well as fun and enriching personalised learning.

Conclusion

We can be certain that in the future we need a population with more skills, more knowledge and an appetite for learning. The schools of the future need to offer variety and choice so that the individual can access an education that motivates, excites, inspires and suits them as a person. All schools will need to keep changing and adapting to meet that challenge, not because of dictat from the centre but because it is what the local situation demands.

Government will have to performance manage the system, not by command and control but by proper resourcing in return for clear delivery on outcomes. Intervention by a Labour Government will be to help those in disadvantage otherwise unable to benefit from the advantages of choice. Despite everything that has been achieved with more resources and improved standards, there are still too many children born into disadvantage who are not being given an equal opportunity by education. They remain our challenge and the test of success. This must always be the test for progressive politicians of the left and marks Labour's enduring divide with whatever version of Conservatism is served up from the right.

Jim Knight MP is Minister of State for Schools in the British Labour Government.

We encourage readers to write responses to this article and send them to Alan Johnson, Social Democratic Futures editor, at alanjohnsonsdf@aol.com